Recent months have seen increasing interest in the idea that Rio+20 could be the launch pad for a new set of ‘Sustainable Development Goals’ (SDGs). But what would SDGs cover, what would a process to define and then implement them look like, and what would some of the key political challenges be? This short briefing [...]
Any global framework for development which is agreed after 2015 will be a political deal between states. This paper looks at recent trends in policy and politics in emerging economies and traditional donors to assess where a consenus might lie. It suggests some principles for a post-2015 agreement which emerge from recent policy developments
Paper from ODI and UNDP, authored by Claire Melamed and Andy Sumner, summarising the evidence on the impact of the MDGs, and looking at current trends in poverty and in global governance that will affect the shape and the scope of any future agreement on global development.
Why resource scarcity will be a game changer for global justice agendas, and what aid donors, NGOs and other development opinion formers need to do about it. WWF / Oxfam report by Alex Evans.
The Rio 2012 sustainable development summit is at risk of being the latest in a long line of damp squibs on environmental multilateralism – but could still make real progress, if it focuses on greening growth and building resilience to shocks and stresses, and above all faces up to the issues of fair shares that arise in a world of limits.
How national and international governance systems need to be reconfigured to meet the challenges of food security in a world of tighter supply and demand balances and increasing volatility. Report for Oxfam’s new Grow campaign by Alex Evans. (May 2011)
Article on scarcity of resources in Pakistan and what it means for the country.
Text of speech by Alex Evans to Institute for New Economic Thinking annual conference at Bretton Woods; the YouTube video is here. (April 2011) Download Speech
Article published on China Dialogue on reasons for the new food price spike, including potential implications of the current drought in China. (February 2011) Download Article
Eight critical uncertainties for development over the next decade, and ten recommendations for what ActionAid – who commissioned this report – should do to prepare for them
Article published in World Politics Review on current American foreign policy
Report asking how organisations can prosper in what will be a turbulent period for world order
Center on International Cooperation report on what forms of multilateral cooperation are needed to manage scarcity of resources
Background paper on whether resource scarcity and climate change will cause increased violent conflict
Chatham House report on how the UK’s new coalition government should upgrade and reform the way Britain conducts foreign policy
Introductory remarks by David Steven at a Brookings Institution seminar on risk and resilience in the global system (March 2010)
Talk given by David Steven at Gresham College on risk and resilience in the UK housing market, as part of a Long Finance Roundtable meeting (March 2010)
Report by David Steven in response to the FSA’s Mortgage Market Review
Brookings Institution report by Alex Evans, Bruce Jones and David Steven on how globalisation could fail – and how it could be made more resilient. Published to coincide with the 40th anniversary World Economic Forum in Davos.
Report by Alex Evans and David Steven analysing the post-Copenhagen context on climate change, including a proposed 12 point action plan. Written for the Brookings Institution / NYU Center on International Cooperation Managing Global Insecurity programme.
World Food Programme report on the state of the science on what climate change means for hunger, plus policy recommendations. Authored by IPCC Impacts Chair Martin Parry with Mark Rosengrant, Tim Wheeler and Global Dashboard’s Alex Evans (December 2009)
Presentation by Alex Evans to a seminar organised for the UN Department of Political Affairs by the Geneva Centre for Security Policy (August 2009)
Article on risk and resilience by Alex Evans and David Steven – part of a special in World Politics Review on risk and resilience in a globalized age (July 2009)
Report by Alex Evans and David Steven exploring the future international institutional requirements for managing climate change, and including three scenarios for climate institutions between now and 2030. Commissioned by the UK Department for International Development. (May 2009)
Article by Alex Evans and David Steven exploring resilience as a political agenda – part of a special edition of Renewal on the transformation of foreign policy (February 2009)
Climate and cities think piece, co-authored by David Steven and the British Council’s Peter Upton (29 January 2009)
Chatham House pamphlet by Alex Evans on how scarcity issues will shape the outlook for global food production, and the actions that policymakers need to take at the international level and in developing countries to ensure food security in the 21st century
Paper by David Steven, presented to “Reforming International Institutions – Meeting the Challenges of the 21st Century,” a conference organized by the United Nations University and the British Embassy in Tokyo (Jan 2009).
Speech by Alex Evans at the Tomorrow Network (25 November 2008)
Paper by Alex Evans and David Steven on financial reform and wider multilateralism, published ahead of the G20 ‘Bretton Woods II’ Summit (November 2008).
Speech by David Steven to RUSI Conference on UK Resilience (8 October 2008)
Chapter by Alex Evans and David Steven in the Foreign & Commonwealth Office publication, ‘Engagement: public diplomacy in a globalised world’ (July 2008). Download Chapter
Draft report by Alex Evans exploring multilateral system reforms needed in order to manage resource scarcity issues more effectively. The final version will be published in early 2010 (July 2008)
Speech by Alex Evans at UK Parliament (8 July 2008)
Speech by David Steven at the UNU G8 Symposium (4 July 2008)
Speech by Alex Evans to United Nations Association UK (7 June 2008)
Speech by David Steven to the UK Defence Academy’s Advanced Research and Assessment Group seminar on Strategic Communications, Public Diplomacy and Afghanistan (4 June 2008).
Speech by David Steven to the University of Westminster Symposium on Transformational Public Diplomacy (30 April 2008).
Briefing paper by Alex Evans, published through Chatham House’s food programme (April 2008).
Speech by David Steven to RUSI Conference on Critical National Infrastructure (16 April 2008).
Paper by Alex Evans and David Steven, commissioned by Gordon Brown and presented to heads of state at the Progressive Governance Summit (April 2008).
Chapter by Alex Evans and David Steven, as part of the British Council’s Transatlantic Network 2020 book ‘Talking Trans-Atlantic’ (March 2008).
Article by Alex Evans for the Environmental Policy & Law Journal (January 2008).
Report by Alex Evans and David Steven, written for the London Accord (December 2007).
New paper by Alex Evans on climate policy after 2012 from the Center on International Cooperation (October 2007).
Chapter on the FCO from Manchester University Press’s Alternative Comprehensive Spending Review, by David Steven (September 2007).
Note by Alex Evans and David Steven about how to restructure the UK’s foreign policy system in order to manage trans-boundary global risks better (April 2007).
Talk given by David Steven at the Wilton Park conference: The Future of Public Diplomacy. Focuses on strategies to drive public diplomacy to the heart of the foreign policy armoury (March 2007).
Articles and Publications
I think Europeans (and Afrcians) will have to help the Obama administration out of the Rumsfeldian mess that i AFRICOM. What about JFC Africa, a joint command with NATO, so that European may help temper matters…
I’d be interested to hear what Africans think about AFRICOM. Many would see it as neo-imperialism, I’d imagine.
The views of Africans matter, but as always it depends on who you ask. The truth is simple, though: the US will continue to engage African governments in military relationships, both for operational ends and to provide security assistance. They have done so for decades and will continue. The point is therefore whether Africom is a better vehicle in so far as it provides greater visibility and third-country in-put or not. Labels such a “neo-imperialism” are great on placards, but less useful as a guide to these tough policy questions.
I don’t think it’s inevitable that the US should continue to have a military presence in Africa, let alone step up its presence. Its involvement in past decades has been about propping up dictators with military and financial support in the face of the Soviet threat. This imperative no longer exists. America, moreover, has been chastened by its military adventures in Iraq and Afghanistan, and it has a new president who seems keen to repair his country’s image in the world (and besides, Uganda doesn’t have an AMERICOM to ensure its own security).
What Africans think is fundamental to the success of the US’s Africa policy. If American involvement is not welcomed by people on the ground, its operations will fail, as we have seen in Iraq. If America is seen as a neo-imperialist power that continues to intrude in African affairs for its own ends, supporting nefarious governments as it did during the Cold War, it will turn young Africans against it (having joined in and perpetuated the devastating war in eastern Congo, Uganda’s Museveni is no saint).
Last week I gave a talk to the UK’s Office of Security and Counter-Terrorism, about the security situation in West Africa. In the discussion afterwards, they talked about the narratives Muslim extremists have used so effectively to recruit people to their cause. It is easy to envisage a scenario whereby continued US military interference in Africa becomes part of a long-term historical narrative of Western exploitation and abuse of the continent (taking in slavery, colonialism, the Cold War and AFRICOM). As demographic changes produce massive cohorts of young African adults with no jobs to go to and therefore in search of both outlets for their frustration and someone to blame, such a narrative will increase the supply of willing recruits to radical groups, and AFRICOM will have weakened rather than strengthened America’s security.
Mark,
I simply do not agree with parts of your assesment. I spent time in DC as AFRICOM was under development and nothing I saw or heard by way of briefings, assesments or programmes lead me to think that the Obama administration will want to terminate its security-related policies and programmes.
The programems will continue not because there are any dictators to prop up (though I would, as you would expect, object to your one-sided description of fifty years of US Africa policy), but because of terrorism concners and the belief that building effective and accountable security institutions is front and centre of the continent’s governance challenge. We know there are at least two international terrorist groups operating in West Africa: Hezbollah, which has long-standing, historic ties to the Lebanese diasporas centered in Abidjan, Ivory Coast and dominating trade throughout the region; and al Qaeda. A high-ranking former Labour minister event told me he thought Al Qaeda’s core would re-locate to Somalia in the next 2-3 years.
The terrorist threat in Africa is, of course, not uniform across the continent, but is notably more substantial in the northern half of the continent, where Islam is more present and state formation more problematic. No doubt a purely CT or security policy will not be enough. The US needs to focus more on the region’s own unique problems and need to emphasize state building and poverty reduction rather than military matters (though it should be remembered Bush oversaw the largest EVER expansion of US aid to Africa). But military matters will continue have a role, in part as a provider of security assistance to African states.
So bottom-line, the US is going to continue to have an African security policy. You may be right, AFRICOM could become part of what you call the “long-term historical narrative”. They clearly need your assistance and ideas to avoid such a trap.
Interesting stuff. I realise Somalia (which is in east Africa, not west, by the way) is a threat, and is probably too far gone to adopt a purely developmental rather than a security prospective. Elsewhere, I agree a continued US military presence is likely, but am not sure that it will be of great benefit either to the US or Africa. I think any consistent threat from sub-Saharan West Africa will come in the long-term, rather than the short, and that such a threat, particularly as the US hasn’t had a great record of picking decent African governments to support in the past (cf Mobutu and others), may be exacerbated by US militarism in the short-term.
I’ll post my talk up later today. Would be interested to hear your views.
I look forward to reading it. The comment on Somalia should have read: “in addition, a high-ranking….”. There are many things I don’t know, but I think my African geography is all right or at least better than my spelling…