Recent months have seen increasing interest in the idea that Rio+20 could be the launch pad for a new set of ‘Sustainable Development Goals’ (SDGs). But what would SDGs cover, what would a process to define and then implement them look like, and what would some of the key political challenges be? This short briefing [...]
Any global framework for development which is agreed after 2015 will be a political deal between states. This paper looks at recent trends in policy and politics in emerging economies and traditional donors to assess where a consenus might lie. It suggests some principles for a post-2015 agreement which emerge from recent policy developments
Paper from ODI and UNDP, authored by Claire Melamed and Andy Sumner, summarising the evidence on the impact of the MDGs, and looking at current trends in poverty and in global governance that will affect the shape and the scope of any future agreement on global development.
Why resource scarcity will be a game changer for global justice agendas, and what aid donors, NGOs and other development opinion formers need to do about it. WWF / Oxfam report by Alex Evans.
The Rio 2012 sustainable development summit is at risk of being the latest in a long line of damp squibs on environmental multilateralism – but could still make real progress, if it focuses on greening growth and building resilience to shocks and stresses, and above all faces up to the issues of fair shares that arise in a world of limits.
How national and international governance systems need to be reconfigured to meet the challenges of food security in a world of tighter supply and demand balances and increasing volatility. Report for Oxfam’s new Grow campaign by Alex Evans. (May 2011)
Article on scarcity of resources in Pakistan and what it means for the country.
Text of speech by Alex Evans to Institute for New Economic Thinking annual conference at Bretton Woods; the YouTube video is here. (April 2011) Download Speech
Article published on China Dialogue on reasons for the new food price spike, including potential implications of the current drought in China. (February 2011) Download Article
Eight critical uncertainties for development over the next decade, and ten recommendations for what ActionAid – who commissioned this report – should do to prepare for them
Article published in World Politics Review on current American foreign policy
Report asking how organisations can prosper in what will be a turbulent period for world order
Center on International Cooperation report on what forms of multilateral cooperation are needed to manage scarcity of resources
Background paper on whether resource scarcity and climate change will cause increased violent conflict
Chatham House report on how the UK’s new coalition government should upgrade and reform the way Britain conducts foreign policy
Introductory remarks by David Steven at a Brookings Institution seminar on risk and resilience in the global system (March 2010)
Talk given by David Steven at Gresham College on risk and resilience in the UK housing market, as part of a Long Finance Roundtable meeting (March 2010)
Report by David Steven in response to the FSA’s Mortgage Market Review
Brookings Institution report by Alex Evans, Bruce Jones and David Steven on how globalisation could fail – and how it could be made more resilient. Published to coincide with the 40th anniversary World Economic Forum in Davos.
Report by Alex Evans and David Steven analysing the post-Copenhagen context on climate change, including a proposed 12 point action plan. Written for the Brookings Institution / NYU Center on International Cooperation Managing Global Insecurity programme.
World Food Programme report on the state of the science on what climate change means for hunger, plus policy recommendations. Authored by IPCC Impacts Chair Martin Parry with Mark Rosengrant, Tim Wheeler and Global Dashboard’s Alex Evans (December 2009)
Presentation by Alex Evans to a seminar organised for the UN Department of Political Affairs by the Geneva Centre for Security Policy (August 2009)
Article on risk and resilience by Alex Evans and David Steven – part of a special in World Politics Review on risk and resilience in a globalized age (July 2009)
Report by Alex Evans and David Steven exploring the future international institutional requirements for managing climate change, and including three scenarios for climate institutions between now and 2030. Commissioned by the UK Department for International Development. (May 2009)
Article by Alex Evans and David Steven exploring resilience as a political agenda – part of a special edition of Renewal on the transformation of foreign policy (February 2009)
Climate and cities think piece, co-authored by David Steven and the British Council’s Peter Upton (29 January 2009)
Chatham House pamphlet by Alex Evans on how scarcity issues will shape the outlook for global food production, and the actions that policymakers need to take at the international level and in developing countries to ensure food security in the 21st century
Paper by David Steven, presented to “Reforming International Institutions – Meeting the Challenges of the 21st Century,” a conference organized by the United Nations University and the British Embassy in Tokyo (Jan 2009).
Speech by Alex Evans at the Tomorrow Network (25 November 2008)
Paper by Alex Evans and David Steven on financial reform and wider multilateralism, published ahead of the G20 ‘Bretton Woods II’ Summit (November 2008).
Speech by David Steven to RUSI Conference on UK Resilience (8 October 2008)
Chapter by Alex Evans and David Steven in the Foreign & Commonwealth Office publication, ‘Engagement: public diplomacy in a globalised world’ (July 2008). Download Chapter
Draft report by Alex Evans exploring multilateral system reforms needed in order to manage resource scarcity issues more effectively. The final version will be published in early 2010 (July 2008)
Speech by Alex Evans at UK Parliament (8 July 2008)
Speech by David Steven at the UNU G8 Symposium (4 July 2008)
Speech by Alex Evans to United Nations Association UK (7 June 2008)
Speech by David Steven to the UK Defence Academy’s Advanced Research and Assessment Group seminar on Strategic Communications, Public Diplomacy and Afghanistan (4 June 2008).
Speech by David Steven to the University of Westminster Symposium on Transformational Public Diplomacy (30 April 2008).
Briefing paper by Alex Evans, published through Chatham House’s food programme (April 2008).
Speech by David Steven to RUSI Conference on Critical National Infrastructure (16 April 2008).
Paper by Alex Evans and David Steven, commissioned by Gordon Brown and presented to heads of state at the Progressive Governance Summit (April 2008).
Chapter by Alex Evans and David Steven, as part of the British Council’s Transatlantic Network 2020 book ‘Talking Trans-Atlantic’ (March 2008).
Article by Alex Evans for the Environmental Policy & Law Journal (January 2008).
Report by Alex Evans and David Steven, written for the London Accord (December 2007).
New paper by Alex Evans on climate policy after 2012 from the Center on International Cooperation (October 2007).
Chapter on the FCO from Manchester University Press’s Alternative Comprehensive Spending Review, by David Steven (September 2007).
Note by Alex Evans and David Steven about how to restructure the UK’s foreign policy system in order to manage trans-boundary global risks better (April 2007).
Talk given by David Steven at the Wilton Park conference: The Future of Public Diplomacy. Focuses on strategies to drive public diplomacy to the heart of the foreign policy armoury (March 2007).
Articles and Publications
I love the push for measuring results. You're right that those dealing with the more "slippery" issues should get on board with this wave rather than try to stand in its way. But I disagree that measuring results always means counting something. You imply that blind faith is the only alternative to quantitative measures for describing change and causality. I don't think that's true. Quantitative measures have to be paired with qualitative descriptions in order to truly understand what took place. This is the same way historians use data combined with descriptions of events to create understandable narratives of human society. A reliance on one or the other tells an incomplete story.
To your last point: What if a participatory evaluation process yielded primarily qualitative measures, such as stories of significant changes in the community? If the intended beneficiaries of a program felt this more accurately portrayed a program's impact than numerical survey results, would we tell them they're wrong?
what i would like to know is people's understanding of why it is that they are poor. of course, some may not be able to articulate why it is that they are poor. after all, it's potentially quite emotionally painful to examine such things. some may not wish to examine such facts because it is too upsetting to their equilibrium.
i would suggest some have simply accepted their lot: growing up as a child requires a lot of trust, indeed, isn't a trustful child a sign of a 'good' upbringing? the natural progression of this emotional mindset is to extend the behaviours you learn in your family to the wider community, ie, those of trust. imagine then, such people's bewilderment when they find that people in the wider community do not necessarily care about their wellbeing, indeed, on the contrary, they actively exploit such innocence for their own financial gain.
continued/…
to my mind, it is the dissonance between the domestic and the wider national culture in a country which may result in poverty: ie: in the family, members are socialised to be caring, kind, non-competitive, honest, obedient, loyal and co-operative and then, when it is time for them to enter into the bigger community, completely different values are called for to survive, such as competitiveness, disingenuity, sleuth, dominating and entitlement. the incongruence is too great, confusing, bewildering and contrasting with what you have learned at home. what do you do? you stick with your original values and you resign yourself to whatever may happen, because you couldn't live with yourself if you changed those values to the ones predominant in the greater society in which you live, as it would make you feel alienated from yourself and your past and betray those who have cared for you up until now.
so, as well as concentrating on the traditional "power, rights and justice", i think it might be good to psychologically assess poor people's feelings of entitlement to a share of basic resources.
continued/…
but then, what do you do with this information? do you instigate programmes to make people feel more entitled? would such programmes work, given that their content contradicts the early 'acculturisation' this hypothetical person may have received? and, of course, such an enterprise could only be one prong in an holistic intervention to alleviate poverty.
but, given that resources for such endeavours are also limited, perhaps this information could be presented to governments in a persuasive way, to encourage them to support their poor in the best ways possible, now that they had a good idea of the general psychological characteristics of the poor.
nb: the middle bit of this comment has been lost
Aid effectiveness is the theme of the new Independent Commission on Aid Impact, whose membership was announced just the other day, and which will be accountable to parliament through the IDC. As I discussed in a previous contribution on my own blog (www.simonmaxwell.eu), the political imperative behind a focus on results is obvious, and right, but the technicalities are complicated. Aid has complex and often indirect effects, for example in the field of governance. The macro-economics are also more difficult than simply drawing a straight line between a gift of cash in the UK and the building, say, of a primary school in Tanzania: sometimes, for example, aid is used, legitimately, to bolster foreign exchange reserves or pay down internal debt. Fungibility is also an issue: was the Government of Tanzania planning to build a primary school anyway, and does the aid therefore allow some other expenditure to take place?
There is continual pressure in the aid business to deliver measurable short-term results, with much current enthusiasm for randomised controlled trials. Claire has made a spirited contribution to this debate, favouring a results-based approach even for social and political interventions. The new Independent Commission on Aid Impact will succeed if it can be equally determined to understand the impact of aid, but subtle enough to recognise that different kinds of aid work in different ways, and that all have multi-faceted impacts on the politics and institutions which drive development.
Yes, at a fundamental level it is nonsensical to be in favour of development but opposed to a focus on results. But in practice, the results focus tends to collapse rapidly into a push for numbers. I like numbers; I like what they can tell us; I think there is lots of scope for the donor community to get better at measuring. But anyone with a little statistical or management literacy also knows how *not* to use numbers. Some things are genuinely hard to measure: if we devise a proxy or composite and then treat this as a 'hard' number rather than a best-possible, will-do-for-now-as-a-rough-guide, internal estimate, then we risk pervert ing a results focus and misleading the public.
By way of illustration: I was talking with someone who works for an Indian NGO. In a meeting with a donor about a proposed project for reducing domestic violence, she was told they had to come up with a cost-benefit / value for money (VfM) estimate of how much it would cost to stop one woman being battered; and if they said this unit cost was (say) £1.17 and a different country office said they could do it for £1.03, then funds would go to the other country. This is nonsense, and it makes the donor look foolish. Such a figure could only ever be a very rough guess; different offices will arrive at it in different ways, with different available data; and the incentives are clearly skewed to revise the estimate down.
One other thought: if donors are serious about measuring, then we need to get much more serious about investing in data generation, including not only donors’ own monitoring and evaluation but also basic, fundamental national statistics. This is a public good which would have a significant effect on the effectiveness of development activities. It is necessary if we want governments and citizens in the countries in which we work to have any hope for evidence-based, results-focused policy making; but it is also, ultimately, necessary if we want to benchmark our impact against background change and other interventions, or look at how different problems and interventions interact. So yes, highly controlled randomised control trials of a nicely bounded, discrete intervention are great, but extremely expensive and have their limitations: please can we also have more money for vital registration of births and deaths; building the capacity of national statistical organisations; better, more consistent and more frequent household surveys; introducing ICT innovations to get us closer to real-time data; improving line ministry management information systems; and supporting independent think tanks in our partner countries.
So while I’d agree with the thrust of Claire’s argument – the push for results is essential – I do think that there are real dangers that the principle becomes warped in practice. Unrealistic expectations of donors’ ability to measure and attribute, magnified through extreme simplification for the purposes of public communication, entails some serious risks. To paraphrase Reinhold Niebuhr, what we need now is the courage to measure what we can, the serenity to accept there are some thing we cannot measure (or can measure only imperfectly), and – critically – the wisdom to know the difference. Right now, I’m not sure this wisdom is guaranteed.