A paper by David Steven, Joshua Meltzer and Claire Langley, published by the Brookings Institution, supported by the FutureWorld Foundation, on how the United States should respond to the aftermath of the recession in order to promote growth and sustainability in the coming years.
An options brief by David Steven, published by New York University’s Center on International Cooperation and funded by the UN Foundation, on the role that global goals can play after the Millennium Development Goals expire in 2015. Download Report
What should sustainability advocates aim for in the post-2015 international development agenda – and how should they go about it?
The first in a series of CIC case studies on the challenges that resource scarcity and climate change pose to poor countries – and how they, and their international partners, can build resilience to them. The report assesses both Ethiopia’s current policies on scarcity and climate, and a range of key gaps, vulnerabilities and exogenous risks that need to be taken account of in future planning.
There’s a consensus that any post-2015 global development framework should have more to say about the role of the private sector than the MDGs have done. But what does that actually mean in practice? This new report from the Overseas Development Institute explores some options for how the private sector might be represented in and contribute to a new set of global goals for development.
This report addresses the Arctic’s growing strategic relevance and conflict dynamic; offers background on, and assessment of, the existing institutions, and examines ongoing risks. Ultimately, the report concludes that the prospects for cooperation outstrip the potential for conflict, and that the Arctic offers lessons for tackling evolving challenges in other regions.
An edited and expanded version of talk given to the ‘Lessons from the Economic Troubles’ panel at an international workshop on systemic lessons from the global economic crisis, hosted by the Global Futures Forum.
Debate on what should follow the Millennium Development Goals after 2015 is now underway in earnest. This briefing paper by Alex Evans and David Steven, prepared for a closed session Brookings Institution meeting organised at the request of the US government, sets out an overview of the MDGs and their expected status in 2015; describes the background to, and options for, a post-2015 framework; and discusses the political challenges of agreeing a new framework and sets out considerations for governments and other stakeholders.
There’s a growing consensus among the countries, UN agencies and civil society organisations involved in discussions on the post-2015 development agenda that equity, or inequality, needs to be somehow integrated into any new framework. This paper considers the pros and cons of some current proposals for integrating inequality into a post-2015 framework, and offers a tentative [...]
Recent months have seen increasing interest in the idea that Rio+20 could be the launch pad for a new set of ‘Sustainable Development Goals’ (SDGs). But what would SDGs cover, what would a process to define and then implement them look like, and what would some of the key political challenges be? This short briefing [...]
Any global framework for development which is agreed after 2015 will be a political deal between states. This paper looks at recent trends in policy and politics in emerging economies and traditional donors to assess where a consenus might lie. It suggests some principles for a post-2015 agreement which emerge from recent policy developments
Paper from ODI and UNDP, authored by Claire Melamed and Andy Sumner, summarising the evidence on the impact of the MDGs, and looking at current trends in poverty and in global governance that will affect the shape and the scope of any future agreement on global development.
Why resource scarcity will be a game changer for global justice agendas, and what aid donors, NGOs and other development opinion formers need to do about it. WWF / Oxfam report by Alex Evans.
The Rio 2012 sustainable development summit is at risk of being the latest in a long line of damp squibs on environmental multilateralism – but could still make real progress, if it focuses on greening growth and building resilience to shocks and stresses, and above all faces up to the issues of fair shares that arise in a world of limits.
How national and international governance systems need to be reconfigured to meet the challenges of food security in a world of tighter supply and demand balances and increasing volatility. Report for Oxfam’s new Grow campaign by Alex Evans. (May 2011)
Article on scarcity of resources in Pakistan and what it means for the country.
Text of speech by Alex Evans to Institute for New Economic Thinking annual conference at Bretton Woods; the YouTube video is here. (April 2011) Download Speech
Article published on China Dialogue on reasons for the new food price spike, including potential implications of the current drought in China. (February 2011) Download Article
Eight critical uncertainties for development over the next decade, and ten recommendations for what ActionAid – who commissioned this report – should do to prepare for them
Article published in World Politics Review on current American foreign policy
Report asking how organisations can prosper in what will be a turbulent period for world order
Center on International Cooperation report on what forms of multilateral cooperation are needed to manage scarcity of resources
Background paper on whether resource scarcity and climate change will cause increased violent conflict
Chatham House report on how the UK’s new coalition government should upgrade and reform the way Britain conducts foreign policy
Introductory remarks by David Steven at a Brookings Institution seminar on risk and resilience in the global system (March 2010)
Talk given by David Steven at Gresham College on risk and resilience in the UK housing market, as part of a Long Finance Roundtable meeting (March 2010)
Report by David Steven in response to the FSA’s Mortgage Market Review
Brookings Institution report by Alex Evans, Bruce Jones and David Steven on how globalisation could fail – and how it could be made more resilient. Published to coincide with the 40th anniversary World Economic Forum in Davos.
Report by Alex Evans and David Steven analysing the post-Copenhagen context on climate change, including a proposed 12 point action plan. Written for the Brookings Institution / NYU Center on International Cooperation Managing Global Insecurity programme.
World Food Programme report on the state of the science on what climate change means for hunger, plus policy recommendations. Authored by IPCC Impacts Chair Martin Parry with Mark Rosengrant, Tim Wheeler and Global Dashboard’s Alex Evans (December 2009)
Presentation by Alex Evans to a seminar organised for the UN Department of Political Affairs by the Geneva Centre for Security Policy (August 2009)
Article on risk and resilience by Alex Evans and David Steven – part of a special in World Politics Review on risk and resilience in a globalized age (July 2009)
Report by Alex Evans and David Steven exploring the future international institutional requirements for managing climate change, and including three scenarios for climate institutions between now and 2030. Commissioned by the UK Department for International Development. (May 2009)
Article by Alex Evans and David Steven exploring resilience as a political agenda – part of a special edition of Renewal on the transformation of foreign policy (February 2009)
Climate and cities think piece, co-authored by David Steven and the British Council’s Peter Upton (29 January 2009)
Chatham House pamphlet by Alex Evans on how scarcity issues will shape the outlook for global food production, and the actions that policymakers need to take at the international level and in developing countries to ensure food security in the 21st century
Paper by David Steven, presented to “Reforming International Institutions – Meeting the Challenges of the 21st Century,” a conference organized by the United Nations University and the British Embassy in Tokyo (Jan 2009).
Speech by Alex Evans at the Tomorrow Network (25 November 2008)
Paper by Alex Evans and David Steven on financial reform and wider multilateralism, published ahead of the G20 ‘Bretton Woods II’ Summit (November 2008).
Speech by David Steven to RUSI Conference on UK Resilience (8 October 2008)
Chapter by Alex Evans and David Steven in the Foreign & Commonwealth Office publication, ‘Engagement: public diplomacy in a globalised world’ (July 2008). Download Chapter
Draft report by Alex Evans exploring multilateral system reforms needed in order to manage resource scarcity issues more effectively. The final version will be published in early 2010 (July 2008)
Speech by Alex Evans at UK Parliament (8 July 2008)
Speech by David Steven at the UNU G8 Symposium (4 July 2008)
Speech by Alex Evans to United Nations Association UK (7 June 2008)
Speech by David Steven to the UK Defence Academy’s Advanced Research and Assessment Group seminar on Strategic Communications, Public Diplomacy and Afghanistan (4 June 2008).
Speech by David Steven to the University of Westminster Symposium on Transformational Public Diplomacy (30 April 2008).
Briefing paper by Alex Evans, published through Chatham House’s food programme (April 2008).
Speech by David Steven to RUSI Conference on Critical National Infrastructure (16 April 2008).
Paper by Alex Evans and David Steven, commissioned by Gordon Brown and presented to heads of state at the Progressive Governance Summit (April 2008).
Articles and Publications
I didn’t get it at first. I thought TckTckTck was your attempt to put in printed form the tetchy expression of irritation you felt as you wrote. Silly me! It’s their name. Good choice.
Alex
I think some of this is fair, some of it not. There’s no excuse for tck tck tck not mentioning the baseline year. And I am surprised they do not articulate a headline figure for public climate finance. Climate Action Network, which coordinates climate advocacy across NGOs, has certainly managed to achieve sufficient consensus among its members to do so.
Whilst getting your asks right should be easy, specifying a single over-arching objective is difficult. MPH didn’t have one – unless you consider Make Poverty History sufficiently specific – which, judging from your post above, I’m guessing you do not. To focus, as you suggest, on a mitigation objective would exclude adaptation, just as to focus only on debt would have excluded aid and trade from MPH. And 350ppm, whilst certainly appealing, runs into trouble further down the line: whilst most NGOs would support such an objective in principle, the fact that there has been no emissions pathway calculated for this stabilisation level makes it impossible to articulate consistent, robust asks for mid-term emissions targets – which of course is where the negotiations are at.
And to be fair to them, the NGOs behind tck tck tck have extremely detailed policy positions of which policymakers are well aware. If you want to see how nose-bleedingly detailed, check out Treaty 1.0 at http://www.panda.org/about_our_earth/all_publications/?uNewsID=166281. It includes a draft legal text with NGO asks on all aspects of the negotiations and represents a more comprehensive policy position than those of many parties to the convention. There has certainly been a tremendous amount of lobby into negotiators and policymakers on the back of this document and others like it.
As you may have guessed by now, I work on climate at an NGO. And myself and my colleagues have regular meetings with negotiators, policymakers, special advisers and ministers across whitehall, and not just to hand over petitions. Over the course of these meetings, whilst I have certainly at times felt that I am an irritant, I’ve never felt that I’m considered an irrelevance!
Hi Rob
I’m not saying that *individual* NGOs don’t have credible policy positions on climate and energy. As you say, WWF’s legal text is a case in point: it’s extremely specific, a superb piece of work, and if it were only TckTckTck’s position too, then I woulnd’t be writing tetchy blog posts like this one. Similarly, among the development NGOs Tearfund’s pioneering work on climate comes immediately to mind (as I’ve said here before – http://www.globaldashboard.org/2009/03/26/come-on-ngos-raise-your-game/); Oxfam has been way ahead of the game on biofuels, to take another example.
My critique is instead about the collective positions that underpin coalitions. TckTckTck is falling into the same old trap that Stop Climate Chaos fell into before it – the NGOs involved can’t agree their position, so they go for verbiage instead, and forfeit their policy edge in the process. And whatever you say, no-one thought SCC was relevant on international climate policy; how could they, when no-one (least of all SCC itself) could articulate what it wanted?
So take for example the question of a stabilisation target (which is what I meant by an overarching objective). You refer to the methodological difficulties in translating 350 ppm to a medium term emissions target. But what you don’t say is that after lengthy dust-ups on this, TckTckTck members were actually unable to agree on one – because 350.org and various others wouldn’t back down on 350ppm, whereas another faction felt that only 450ppm would be seen as credible by policymakers.
And if the main global NGO coalition on climate can’t even agree on the level at which we should be aiming to stabilise the climate, then it’s hard to see how they can claim to be holding policymakers to account on same.
A
Wonder what the male:female ratio is at TckTckTck?
I completely disagree that the point of TckTckTck is to have the policy edge.
It should be the main coalition for mobilising the voices of the public – it should mobilise grannies, families, young people, and people many who have never demonstrated before into saying that we want urgent and ambitious action. That is what MPH did, it is what the Stop the War coalition did, it is what the Democracy for Scotland alliance did. Each of these were principle based, non-exclusive and made a big noise. They opened a space for many voices to be heard – all building to one bug voice for action.
The more detailed the policy, the more you alienate much of the public. I am not saying the policy as stated is perfect, but he in-fighting between NGOs to have their specific issue included or arguing over small detail are counter productive for such alliances.
As stated already, behind the TckTckTck campaign are a number of NGOs who are working together to put the policy detail to the people who need to hear it. In the UK the BOND Development and Environment group does a fantastic job of co-ordinating NGO voices to government. There is a great deal of coherence in the UK NGO messaging (largely in line with CAN messaging) to government, but also space for individual NGOs to get their points across. The NGOs are developing policy red lines against which the Copenhagen outcome will be judged.
TckTckTck should be the rallying cry, opening space for many voices. Not the dictator of policy.
The Green movement has failed so far to bring the public out together in force on climate change – I am not yet sure if TckTckTck will either but I hope to goodness that it does.